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The Occupation We Choose to Ignore’

Do you know who I am? I am a Sahrawi. The land to which I refer is what is known today as the non-self-governing territory ofWestern Sahara. My country was colonized by the Spanish and the French between 1884 and 1975, divided in two and occupied by Moroccan and Mauritanian forces thereafter, and has been ruled exclusively by the Kingdom of Morocco from 1979 until the present.

The Western Sahara: forgotten first source of the Arab Spring

this is one part of the Arab Spring that western governments don't want to talk about. And their silence, and the UN's complicity in it, is why that repression continues, and a terrible injustice is perpetuated.

ISS - News - The Western Sahara and North African People’s Power

Respect the right of individuals to peacefully express their opinions regarding the status and future of the Western Sahara and to document violations of human rights

King of Morocco to be biggest benefactor of EU trade agreement - Telegraph

it has emerged that the single biggest beneficiary of the deal will be the King of Morocco, who is head of one of the three largest agricultural producers in the north African country and lays claim to 12,000 hectares of the nation's most fertile farmland.

North African Dispatches Africa’s Forgotten Colony

Oblivion it seems is the current reality for the arid North African territory of Western Sahara; often referred to as Africa’s ‘Last Colony’. In my opinion, it would be more accurate to describe it as ‘Africa’s Forgotten Colony’.

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Apr 29, 2011

UPES - اتحاد الصحفيين والكتاب الصحراويين

28/04/2011

اعتبر المنسق الصحراوي مع المينورسو، أمحمد خداد، يوم الأربعاء بنيويورك، أن أهم ما جاءت به اللائحة الجديدة لمجلس الأمن حول الصحراء الغربية هو إقرارها بأهمية تحسين وضعية حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية، وتأكيدها على ضرورة الوصول لممارسة الشعب الصحراوي حقه في تقرر المصير.

وفي تصريح صحفي له عقب المصادقة على اللائحة، أكد المسؤول الصحراوي قائلا "بعد سنوات من إهمال مجلس الأمن لهذه المسألة بسبب اعتراض فرنسا أصالة عن المغرب، جاءت اللائحة 1979 التي تمت المصادقة عليها اليوم بالإجماع بجديد من خلال الاعتراف بأهمية تحسين وضعية حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية مع الدعوة الى اتخاذ اجراءات مستقلة و صادقة لضمان احترام هذه الحقوق

و أوضح أن هذه اللائحة تتطرق أيضا لتوصيات الأمين العام للأمم المتحدة بان كي مون التي ضمنها تقريره الأخير حول الصحراء الغربية والتي يتعين بموجبها أن تركز المحادثات المقبلة حول وضع الأراضي المحتلة على "تنظيم استفتاء يشكل التعبير الحر للحق في تقرير المصير من طرف الشعب الصحراوي".

و أضاف السيد خداد أن "لائحة مجلس الأمن طالبت الطرفين بتعزيز المفاوضات من خلال توسيع مناقشة اقتراح كل طرف وتلك هي الوجهة التي ما فتئت تدافع عنها جبهة البوليساريو، مشيرا إلى أنه "في هذه المرحلة المتميزة بالاضطرابات والتدخل العسكري باسم الديمقراطية وحقوق الإنسان في الشرق الأوسط وشمال إفريقيا فقد ألح مجلس الأمن على أنه لا يمكن تجاهل إرادة الشعب الصحراوي".

وبعد أن أشاد بتضامن جنوب إفريقيا ونيجيريا بصفتهما عضوين غير دائمين بمجلس الأمن وتشديد هذا الأخير على حقوق الإنسان والاستفتاء لصالح الشعب الصحراوي قال أمحمد خداد أن الأمر لا يتعلق "إلا بخطوة أولى".

وأوضح أنه "يجب على مجلس الأمن أن يمارس مهمته السياسية و يتوجه بالطرفين إلى حل يعكس حقيقة الإرادة الشرعية للشعب الصحراوي، مذكرا أن جبهة البوليساريو طالبت عدة مرات مجلس الأمن بالتدخل على أساس توصيات المفوضية السامية لحقوق الإنسان الأممية وغيرها من هيئات حقوق الإنسان المستقلة".

وأكد أمحمد خداد أن المينورسو هي الهيئة الأممية الوحيدة التي ليست مزودة بآلية مراقبة حقوق الإنسان، مشيرا إلى أنه في الوقت الذي تعالى فيه صوت شعوب منطقة الشرق الأوسط وشمال افريقيا "ليتم الاستماع لانشغالاتها في مجال حقوق الإنسان فإنه من غير المقبول أن تمر سنة أخرى دون التزام جدي لمنظمة الأمم المتحدة بشأن مسألة حقوق الإنسان" بالصحراء الغربية.



UPES - اتحاد الصحفيين والكتاب الصحراويين


28/04/2011

اعتبر السفير البريطاني لدى الأمم المتحدة، السير مارك لايال غرانت، في مداخلته عقب تبني مجلس الأمن الأممي بالإجماع للائحة 1979 يوم الأربعاء، أنها غير كافية بالرغم من أنها تعرضت لمسألة حقوق الإنسان ومحذرا من تدهور الأوضاع ما لم يحل المجلس النزاع بأسرع وقت.

"إن جوهر النزاع في الصحراء الغربية يتعلق بالأرض والسيادة، وهذه اللائحة لا تؤثر بأي شكل على مواقف طرفي النزاع بهذا الخصوص. إلا أن وضعية حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية ومخيمات تيندوف قد أثيرت ما مرة من الطرفين وهو موضوع هام في حد ذاته. إن بريطانيا قد أثارت موضوع حقوق الإنسان لسنوات بأن على مجلس الأمن معالجة هذه القضية. ونحن سعداء لأن المجلس قد تعرض لهذا الموضوع في هذه اللائحة"، يقول السفير البريطاني.

وحذر السفير البريطاني من خطورة الوضع معتبرا أنه "وبالنسبة لبريطانيا، فإن الوضع القائم لا يمكن الحفاظ عليه على المدى البعيد، فإذا لم يعمل مجلس الأمن بفعالية لحل النزاع، فإن الأمور ستسوء".



UPES - اتحاد الصحفيين والكتاب الصحراويين

UPES - اتحاد الصحفيين والكتاب الصحراويين

جنوب إفريقيا ترحب بتبني قرار يدعو لحماية حقوق الإنسان ويأسف للعجز الأممي عن تصفية الإستعمار حتى الساعة من الصحراء الغربية
28/04/2011

رحب سفير جنوب إفريقيا لدى الأمم المتحدة، باسو سانغو، في مداخلته قبل التبني مجلس الأمن الرسمي للائحة 1979 يوم أمس الأربعاء، عن ترحيبه بقرار المجلس حماية حقوق الإنسان في الصحراء الغربية، متأسفا لعجز المنتظم الدولي حتى الآن عن تصفية الإستعمار من الصحراء الغربية.

واعتبر السفير الجنوب إفريقي أنه و"بعد مضي عشرين سنة من قرار المجلس تشكيل بعثة أممية لتنظيم استفتاء في الصحراء الغربية. وفي الوقت الذي نجحت في البعثة على الحفاظ على وقف إطلاق النار، فإن جوهر مهمتها والي هو تنظيم الإستفتاء الذي من المفترض أن يؤدي لممارسة شعب الصحراء الغربية لحقه في تقرير المصير، لم يتم تحقيقه بعد".

وعليه، فقد رأى السفير الجنوب إفريقي أن أهم ما يجب على الطرفين تحقيقه هو النجاح في التقدم عبر المفاوضات وإبداء المزيد من الإرادة السياسية للتوصل إلى حل عادل ونهائي يضمن احترام حق الشعب الصحراوي في تقرير المصير.

وبخصوص قضية حقوق الإنسان، اعتبر السفير الجنوب إفريقي أن طرح مجلس الأمن اعتبارا خاصا هذه المرة للموضوع هو في حد ذاته تقدم ملموس، مذكرا أن على المجلس أن يظل منتبها إلى أن الصحراء الغربية هي بلد مستعمر، وأن المغرب وفقا للشرعية الدولية بلد احتلال.

وذكر المسؤول الجنوب إفريقي أن المجلس الأممي الذي تدخل بقوة في حالة ساحل العاج وليبيا لا يجب أن يهمل الصحراويين وعليه الإستماع بالنتباه لأصوات هذا الشعب الذي يعاني من الإنتهاكات المغربية اليومية لحقوق الإنسان.



Apr 28, 2011

allAfrica.com: Western Sahara: 35 Years of Colonisation and Exile is Enough (Page 1 of 2)

n Topical Focus » Western Sahara
What is Happening in Western Sahara?

The latest round of developments and news includes Sahrawis human rights activists...

Western Sahara: Standoff Continues With Morocco

Talks between Morocco and the Frente Polisario ended with both parties agreeing...

Western Sahara and Morocco Clash at Youth Festival

Police were called in to stop clashes between delegates from Morocco and...




allAfrica.com: Western Sahara: 35 Years of Colonisation and Exile is Enough (Page 1 of 2)

Recognised and supported by an extensive range of governments and countries across the globe, Western Sahara's colonisation and exploitation at the hands of Morocco must come to an end, writes Peter Kenworthy.

'We would like to call on the influential international actors to take immediate measures, including exerting pressure and imposing sanctions on the Moroccan government, to put an end to this conflict,' said Mohamed Abdelaziz, president of Western Sahara's Saharawi Arab Democratic Republic (SADR), at the 35th anniversary of the proclamation of SADR. He was speaking to his fellow countryfolk at the anniversary, but he was also speaking to the many foreign delegations that had come from all over the world, as well as those countries not present.

For those who do not know what SADR is, and there are unfortunately many who do not, SADR is the internationally recognised exile government of the people of Western Sahara, the Saharawis. The SADR government is a member of the African Union and has a president, a prime minister, a judiciary, ministerial departments and a parliament, just as any other country in the world. And the reason that the conflict is largely unknown in Europe and the USA is probably that the USA and France, both permanent UN Security Council members, and Spain, are not interested in changing a status quo that they believe they benefit from strategically and financially, and that low-intensity conflicts, such as the one in Western Sahara, do not get much coverage in the press.

The distinctive feature of the SADR government is that its administration lies in a refugee camp near Tindouf in neighbouring Algeria. The reason that SADR and many Saharawis are exiled in inhospitable camps in the middle of the Algerian dessert, where thousands fled to escape the advancing Moroccan army in 1975, is that Morocco has illegally occupied the more fertile and resource-rich three-quarters of the Western Saharan territory for the past 35 years and brutally clamped down on anyone within this occupied territory who dares dispute their rule, however peacefully.

The Saharawis have been in a non-violent protracted struggle with Morocco to gain control of the whole of Western Sahara since a ceasefire was negotiated with Morocco in September 1991 that ended actual military battle between the two. But although SADR-controlled Western Sahara is fully dependent upon outside aid, life in the refugee camps near Tindouf is about much more than conflict and desperation.

Indeed, as the foreign delegations to the anniversary celebrations discovered, the Saharawis there were both welcoming, proud to show their culture, and ardent in their call for political and national recognition, as well as for the referendum on the status of Western Sahara that the UN and international law has demanded since 1975 but not delivered.

As part of the Danish delegation to the anniversary, I first experienced this when staying at the '27 of February' camp near Tindouf. Here I briefly lived and socialised in the houses and tents of the people in the camp and was treated to meals, large quantities of Saharawi tea and to political discussions about Western Sahara and the unfolding situation in Libya. The discussions of the latter was especially fuelled by the TV in the common tent of my hosts, where family and friends gathered to drink tea, talk and watch Al Jazeera and Al Arabiya.

There are four large Saharawi refugee camps, as well as smaller satellite camps such as the '27 of February' camp. The camps have a total population of around 165,000 according to the UNHCR, although this number is disputed by Morocco for political reasons. The camps lie near Tindouf in an area known as 'The Devil's Garden' where temperatures in summer reach 50 degrees. The area has little vegetation and experiences frequent sandstorms. Drinking water has to be brought in by lorry and many of those living there experience nutritional deficiencies.

Despite all these challenges, the SADR government and the Saharawi people seem to be coping remarkably well. The educational level in the camps, for instance, is surprisingly high, mainly because the SADR government has made education a priority. About 90 per cent of the population are literate, against a regional average of about 50 per cent, a dramatic rise from the 10 per cent literacy when the Saharawis arrived in the camps in 1975.

Saharawian women are also seen as some of the most liberated in the Arab and Muslim world. These facts underline the impression the foreign delegations came away with from the celebrations that SADR is a well organised and efficient entity and that the Saharawis in general have decided to make the best of the situation while waiting for the world to help them regain their homeland in its entirety.

But when driving from the camps in Tindouf to Tifariti in the SADR-controlled part of Western Sahara where the first part of the celebrations took place, the unsustainability of having 165,000 people cramped together in camps near Tindouf really became obvious. The desert might be able to sustain the scattered Bedouins living in impermanent tent camps with free-roaming goats and camels that we passed, but certainly not such a large and densely populated population.

The area is a vast, but surprisingly beautiful and diversely coloured, desert where much of the sand has been scorched by years of unforgiving sun. This part of the desert therefore appears almost black. Apart from the semi-domesticated animals belonging to the Bedouins, the little animal life that there is on the route to Tifariti consisted mainly of the odd bird or lizard.

In fact the only larger, fixed manmade construction that we passed in the over six hours that the journey by car to Tifariti takes, was the Moroccan wall, 'Berm' or 'Wall of Shame' as the Saharawis call it. It is manned by thousands of soldiers, is heavily mined with around 6 million mines and spans and divides the entire length of Western Sahara. The wall was and is an attempt by Morocco to protect the resources that they illegally extract from occupied Western Sahara.

What it means for the Saharawis, apart from being a symbol of the occupation of their land, is that families living on opposite sides of the wall have been unable to visit each other for years on end as crossing from one part to the other is virtually impossible. Indeed, activists from the Moroccan-controlled occupied territories had to take a long detour via Algiers or Mauritania to be able to participate in the celebrations in Tifariti.

The town of Tifariti lies near Western Sahara's border with Mauritania and has a population of around 3,000 people, many living in scattered tents. There is also a hospital, a school, and many new houses are being constructed. Tifariti was the scene of several battles during the Western Saharan war (1975-91) between Morocco and Polisario, the Western Sahara liberation movement that also forms the government. Ruins of houses destroyed during this war and scattered shells and missiles still bear witness to this legacy, especially that of the heavy Moroccan bombardment of Tifariti two weeks before an already-agreed ceasefire between Morocco and Polisario in August 1991.

Tifariti still has a military presence, as the sound of orders from soldiers of the Polisario's Sahrawi People's Liberation Army exercising on the morning of 27 February, the day of SADR's 35th anniversary, could be heard throughout the early morning. In fact, the first event of the day was a huge military parade held at a small stadium where thousands of soldiers, with each unit representing the different regional army divisions, paraded in front of the crowds of ululating women and foreign delegations.

The military feel to the celebrations, epitomised by the donning of a military outfit by President Abdelaziz and the vast scope of the actual parade itself, which included thousands of male soldiers, women soldiers and soldiers on camelback, reflected the fact that the Western Sahara conflict is still potentially 'hot' and can still descend into actual physical warfare. It was also clearly meant as a symbolic gesture to the Moroccans to show the military strength and resolve of Polisario. As if to press the point home, the announcer proclaimed during the military parade that the Saharawis can be proud of their army that has 'won important military battles', thereby ensuring that 'Morocco cannot defeat Western Sahara militarily'.

The 82 flags that lined the parade ground represented the mostly African, Asian and South American nations that recognise SADR, showed the support and legitimacy of the SADR government in the eyes of most of the world. No countries, on the other hand, recognise Morocco's claim to Western Sahara. Further legitimacy came from the presence of the many press delegations - including news agencies such as Reuters, Associated Press, EFE, Cardena Ser, France Presse - that were present, as well as from the many delegations of ambassadors, parliamentarians, activists, NGOs and others from around the world. Saharawi TV, who broadcast throughout the day, made sure that Saharawis in the camps and in the diaspora who were not present in Tifariti could also watch and feel part of the celebrations.

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Apr 27, 2011

» Blog Archive » La ONU y el Sáhara Occidental

La ONU y el Sáhara Occidental

Sáhara Occidental
Javier Perote Pellón (26/4/2011)
No sabemos si el Consejo de Seguridad (CS) aceptará que la Misión de Paz para el Sáhara se encargue de vigilar y denunciar posibles violaciones de los derechos humanos de la población saharaui. Hasta ahora no lo ha hecho y hay pocos motivos para esperar que lo haga. Ya ha intervenido Francia para boicotear dicha posibilidad.

La ONU da muestras constantes de su inoperancia salvo cuando se trata de algún asunto en el que esté interesado alguno de los países miembro permanente del propio Consejo. En el caso del Sáhara, siempre es Francia la que está detrás de todos los entuertos (EE. UU. y otros países sobre todo monarquías árabes también apoyan incondicionalmente a Marruecos).

En numerosas ocasiones la ONU, que nació como Organización para el mantenimiento de la Paz, parece como si la paz no fuese lo suyo, a lo más lo de unos pocos, cuando a estos pocos les interesa. Por eso, más que de inoperancia se podría hablar de arbitrariedad. La ONU se ha convertido en la herramienta jurídica que cubre con una pátina de legalidad los abusos y las arbitrariedades de de los poderosos. La ONU, donde estamos todos, se ha convertido en la de unos pocos, en la que la mayoría estamos de comparsas.

La MINURSO, Misión de las Naciones Unidas para el Referendo del Sáhara Occidental es el instrumento que se creó en 1991 para hacer posible la realización del Plan de Paz; como lo demuestra su primera tarea: verificar el alto el fuego entre las partes enfrentadas.

Cualquier Misión de Paz de las NNUU tiene como principal cometido la vigilancia de la defensa de los derechos humanos de la población en cuestión; como por otro lado es lógico. ¿Cómo puede haber paz en un país si no se respetan los derechos humanos de las personas? ¿De qué paz estaríamos hablando? Obviamente no me refiero a la paz de los cementerios.

Ya en 1975, cuando la Marcha Verde, la ONU dejó entrever algún disimulado mensaje de por donde iba a ir su actitud con la cuestión saharaui. En aquella ocasión el Consejo de Seguridad no se decidía a tomar una posición clara por lo que ni siquiera pedía a Hassan II que detuviera la Marcha, lo cual alentaba a Marruecos a proseguir en su empeño. ¡Qué diferencia con la actitud que el Consejo de Seguridad tuvo en 1990 cuando Sadam Hussein invadió Kuwait! Entonces si, entonces si estuvo enérgico el CS. El mismo día de la invasión dos de agosto ya emitió su primera resolución condenatoria y el día 6, actuando en conformidad con el capítulo VII de la carta de las Naciones Unidas, emitía una fortísima resolución en la que se condenaba la invasión y se pedía a todas las naciones que se sumaran a un completo boicot en todas las relaciones con Irak. Y así otras más hasta que se produjo la brutal Tormenta del Desierto con miles de humildes iraquíes muertos, a pesar de que ya no era necesario pues Sadam ya había anunciado su retirada de Kuwait.

Pero en 1975, ¡oh paradoja! Mauritania, que era parte interesada en el reparto del Sáhara, formaba parte del Consejo de Seguridad. Pero lo que más importancia tuvo en las decisiones del CS, y desde entonces así ha sido, fue la actitud de Francia cuyo Presidente en aquel tiempo era Giscard d´Estaing. Sí, el mismo que aceptaba los diamantes que le regalaba su amigo el caníbal Bocassa I Emperador de Centro África apóstol de la paz y servidor de Jesucristo.

Otro caso no menos llamativo y reciente, el de Libia, que a menos de quince días del inicio de la crisis (empezó el 15 febrero) el CS ya decreta un embargo contra Gadafi y en apenas transcurrido un mes autoriza el empleo de la fuerza. Dicen que para proteger los derechos humanos de la población libia y en defensa de unos insurgentes que al empezar su protesta tenían armas y las usaron. ¿Aceptaría la ONU que los saharauis emplearan armas en sus protestas? (anda que no investigaron en Bruselas y otros foros a ver si los saharauis del campamento de GdimIcik tenían armas o no, para exculpar a Marruecos) ¿era peor o mas injusta la situación de estos antigadafi que la de los saharauis en los territorios ocupados, prisioneros en su tierra?

Pero ¿por qué no se protegen los derechos de los saharauis? Esta pregunta se la hace mucha gente y sólo tiene una respuesta: porque no se quiere privar a Marruecos de su capacidad intimidatoria sobre la población. Y es que no hay nada nuevo bajo el sol: a una población que quiere ser libre solo se la somete por la fuerza, que es lo que hace Marruecos con el apoyo de la ONU. Todo esto me parece de un cinismo espantoso.


Desde 1976 a 1991 hubo en el territorio del Sáhara una verdadera guerra que también se extendió al mar e incluso al aire. Pero en todo ese tiempo el CS no consideró que se daban las condiciones para intervenir en conformidad con el Capítulo VII de la Carta, como ocurrió en el caso de Irak, a pesar de las barbaridades que estaba cometiendo el ejército de Marruecos, que bombardeaba con fósforo a una población civil que huía en busca de refugio en Argelia. Y a pesar también de la bestial represión que se empezó a ejercer sobre la población saharaui que no quiso o no pudo huir a la llegada de los marroquíes. Años después, se descubriría la estremecedora realidad de lo que fueron las cárceles secretas en las que sufrieron hasta veinte años de prisión muchos saharauis, mujeres y niños incluidos, de los que se había perdido toda pista y que simplemente se les daba por desaparecidos. Para mas inri el régimen prohibía toda mención a un prisionero, hasta el punto que un niño en su escuela no se atrevía a decir que su padre estaba desaparecido y solo decía que es que se había fugado dejándoles abandonados. Todo por el delito de ser saharaui.

¡Es imposible que el pueblo saharaui olvide esto! Perdonar puede que si, pero olvidar…


En aquella guerra, en la que EE. UU. y Francia participaron con todo el descaro en favor de Marruecos, sólo se llegó a un alto el fuego cuando aquello dos socios, ante la decidida voluntad de defenderse del pueblo saharaui, buscaron una solución que sin renunciar a sus apetencias les fuese menos onerosa. Pensaron que una vez terminados los últimos kilómetros de muros minas y alambradas que dejaban casi todo el territorio en poder de Marruecos, y protegido contra los ataques de los saharauis ya no había razón para continuar con una costosa guerra cuando se podían conseguir los mismos fines por otros medios.

Y así se llego al Plan de Paz aceptado por ambas partes en el cual se indicaba la fecha del alto el fuego y el período de tiempo precedente a esta fecha en que se suspenderían todas las operaciones militares. A pesar de pactos, palabras y firmas, Marruecos continuó bombardeando poblaciones como Birlehlu y Tifariti, destruyendo los pozos de agua de la zona en pleno mes de agosto.

Estas acciones serían las primeras muestras de la nula voluntad de Marruecos de llevara adelante el acuerdo aceptado. Después pondrían en juego toda una imaginativa gama de triquiñuelas administrativas alterando incluso partes ya aprobadas para entorpecer el desarrollo del Plan. Tampoco se privaron de poner en práctica su arma secreta: el soborno. Altos funcionarios de la ONU fueron sospechosamente complacientes con las pretensiones marroquíes; el paquistaní Zia Rizvi, el consejero jurídico Ben Achour, Pérez de Cuellar, Butros Gali, Kofi Annan, Yaqub Kahn y otros. Es conocida la maniobra de Pérez de Cuellar que pocos días antes de cesar en el cargo de Secretario General introducía modificaciones favorables a Marruecos en el censo de votantes, sin consultar con el Frente Polisario, pero tiempo después nos enteramos que había sido nombrado alto directivo en una empresa del imperio económico del Rey de Marruecos; o Kofi Annan que cuando nombra representante personal James Baker le envía el mensaje de que debe buscar una solución que prevea una autonomía bajo la soberanía de Marruecos, etc., etc.

El Plan de Paz se ha convertido en un engaño más, una maniobra retardataria, con el fin de que vaya pasando el tiempo y Marruecos se asiente sólidamente en el Sáhara. Solo así se explican esos eufemismos con los que se trata de evitar un pronunciamiento rotundo en favor del referendo de autodeterminación. ¿Cómo es posible que después del acuerdo a que llegaron ambas partes, adoptando el Plan de Paz, todavía al cabo de veinte años el CS pida en todas sus resoluciones que las partes se pongan de acuerdo en una solución que sea justa duradera y mutuamente aceptable. El Plan de Paz ya fue ese acuerdo. Si ahora hay que buscar un nuevo acuerdo, ¿quién asegura que luego no pedirían un nuevo acuerdo dentro del acuerdo anterior y este a su vez dentro del acuerdo y así hasta… ¿Hasta cuando? Esta fue una de las tácticas que empleó esa vergüenza de ministro que hemos tenido, “el perfecto mierda”, como le llamó Arturo Pérez Reverter en un artículo, para ir dilatando el asunto, a ver si se cansaban los saharauis, y hacerle el juego a Francia. Que dialoguen las partes decía, que se pongan de acuerdo, cuando ya no había nada más que acordar y solo faltaba que se cumpliera lo acordado.

Este Moratinos es que no descansa, acaba de dejar el puesto de Ministro y ahora quier ser Director General de la FAO (Agencia de Alimentación). Y a Guinea que se ha ido el tío, a ver a su amigo Obiang (íntimo de Mohamed VI) a pedir su apoyo. Menudos paseos se está dando con toda una corte de asesores y demás, a gastos pagados, con nuestro dinero por supuesto. ¿Será posible que con cinco millones de parados el Gobierno español se vaya a fijar en semejante calamidad para promocionarle a ese puesto tan goloso? ¿No tiene bastante con la pensión de ministro?

La misma muestra de cinismo fue a la que se agarró la ministra Trinidad Jiménez, siguiendo las directrices del ´perfecto mierda´ (ella también aspira al título), al poco tiempo de asumir su cargo, y en ella sigue cada vez que se le pregunta por la cuestión del Sahara: una solución justa, duradera y mutuamente aceptable, responde. Es de señalar que después de tantas resoluciones en las que se repite la frase nadie haya puesto un ejemplo de lo que podría ser esa solución. ¿En qué consistiría? ¿Puede haber una solución justa que no sea restituir al pueblo saharaui sus derechos? ¿Piensa alguien que esa oferta de autonomía que hace Marruecos de un territorio que no es suyo a sus verdaderos dueños puede ser esa solución justa, duradera y aceptable para los saharauis?

Está claro que los marroquíes no están dispuestos a ceder ni una migaja de lo que han conseguido estos años de negociaciones fraudulentas con la necesaria cooperación de la ONU. Pero los saharauis ya no pueden ceder más en favor de esa supuesta solución justa duradera aceptable etc., ellos ya ha puesto de su parte todo lo que podían. Mas de lo que podían.

Es escandaloso que a estas alturas el Secretario General de la ONU no se atreva (tiene que portarse bien o no lo elegirán para un segundo mandato) a enviar al CS un informe en el que recomiende que la MINURSO, que es quien mejor podría hacerlo, se preocupe de la vigilancia de los derechos humanos de los habitantes del Sáhara. ¿Para qué está la ONU? y que a cambio recomiende que esta cuestión sea ejercida por el Alto Comisionado de la ONU para los Derechos Humanos ACONDH, que solo cuenta con limitadas posibilidades de ejercer esas funciones, y a un organismo del propio Marruecos como es el nuevo Consejo Nacional de Derechos Humanos. Es decir; la ONU, organismo de Derecho Internacional, propone a un gobierno dictatorial que se preocupe de los abusos y la represión que sufre un pueblo que ese mismo gobierno reprime. La mayor violación de los derechos del pueblo saharaui es la que ejerce Marruecos al ocupar su tierra por la fuerza y negarle el derecho a la independencia.

Parece que se estuvieran programando los hechos con la oculta intención de forzar a los saharauis a embarcarse en una guerra que desde hace algún tiempo la juventud reclama. No seré yo quien critique el empleo inteligente de medios mas coercitivos en su lucha de liberación aunque pienso que una guerra abierta debe ser el último recurso; seguro que los saharauis lucharían heroicamente y escribirían páginas de gloria pero ante los medios tan poderosos que posee el enemigo (Francia acudiría en ayuda Marruecos como hizo anteriormente), poco podrían hacer. Una guerra trae muchos padecimientos para toda la población, muere mucha gente, se producen muchos, muchos heridos, algunos con lesiones graves para toda su vida. Pero hay otros sistemas también contundentes y quizás más efectivos para ejercer presión sobre las personas directamente responsables de que la cuestión no se resuelva, es cuestión de echarle imaginación.

Hace unos días la agencia marroquí de información volvía sobre el recurrente tema de acusar al Polisario de terrorismo. No se conoce ningún acto de terrorismo cometido por los saharauis, y dudo que cualquier persona imparcial convenientemente informada sobre la causa saharaui pudiera acusar a los saharauis de terroristas en el caso de que pongan en práctica algún tipo de lucha armada. Pienso que después de haber sido desgajados de su tierra los veinte y cinco mil kilómetros de Tarfaya, haber sido fusilados compañeros que habían caído heridos en el campo de batalla, compañeros torturados en la cárcel hasta la muerte y sufrido los treinta y cinco años de continua opresión y barbarie de Marruecos, se han ganado el derecho a usar el procedimiento que mejor crean para conseguir su libertad. Pero, si algún día recurren a practicar algún tipo de violencia, pido que no lo hagan indiscriminadamente, que no paguen justos por pecadores, y que ajusten cuentas con aquellos/as que han sido los verdaderos culpables de sus sufrimientos. Son muchos y ya están señalados en rojo en el semáforo de la historia.

Una vez leído este escrito, se comprende que yo no vea con buenos ojos la parte final de la iniciativa que la APDH ha presentado en el Congreso de los Diputados, en la que se contempla la posibilidad de que, dada la inoperancia de España como potencia administradora, se hiciera cargo de la administración del territorio la propia ONU. Simplemente: es que no me fío de la ONU, creo que desde el principio no ha jugado limpio en la cuestión del Sáhara ¡SAHARA LIBRE!

N. de la R.
Javier Perote Pellón es coronel del Ejército, escritor, y fundador de ADA (Asociación para el Desarrollo de África).

Archivado en: Portada, Sáhara Occidental


Apr 19, 2011

Letters: Shirking our responsibility to protect | World news | The Guardian

Shirking our responsibility to protect

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The Guardian, Tuesday 19 April 2011
Article history
When, in the context of their commitment to protect civilians from the bloodbaths and massacres perpetrated by despotic and brutal regimes (Cluster munitions fired by Tripoli regime – witnesses, 16 April), will the UK and the US honour their pledge to protect the 3,400 defenceless Iranian exiles who live in Camp Ashraf in Iraq, the desert town that has been their home for over a decade? These are officially "protected persons" under the fourth Geneva convention, and the UK and the US have clear obligations in international law towards them. Far greater, actually, than their responsibilities to the people of Libya, yet they remain silent, while these innocent men and women, under siege for the last two years, are being murdered, and all survivors now threatened with deportation to torture and death in Iran, a regime infamous for its horrific treatment of its critics and protesters.

Their silence and refusal to take action could lead to their prosecution at the ICC for violating international humanitarian law, yet the UK press has so far not adequately covered these ongoing atrocities.

Margaret Owen

London

• Regarding Hillary Clinton's comments on the use of cluster bombs by Gaddafi's forces, she should be reminded that the US is the world's largest producer of cluster bombs, with a stockpile of millions. In August 2010 the Obama administration refused to sign the world convention banning the use of cluster bombs. In 1999, during her husband's presidency, the US dropped cluster bombs on several Serbian villages, killing dozens of Serb civilians. The world agrees that the use of cluster bombs in civilian areas is a war crime. Yet Obama, who holds the Nobel peace prize, refused to sign the convention banning their use. Another example of US actions not living up to its words.

George D Lewis

Brackley, Northamptonshire

• The start of the UN security council negotiations on Western Sahara this week raises questions. Namely, why the security council has been quick to act in the name of democracy and human rights in Libya and Ivory Coast, yet allowed 20 years of repression in Moroccan-occupied Western Sahara to continue unabated?

Not only has the security council failed to resolve the Western Sahara conflict, but it has also neglected its duty to protect the human rights of the Saharawi people. For the last two years France has opposed calls for the UN mission in Western Sahara to monitor human rights, leaving it the only contemporary UN mission without a human rights component.

For two decades UN peacekeepers have watched in silence as the Saharawi people have faced horrific forms of torture. During the current renewal of the mission, the security council has the opportunity to condemn France's indefensible position in the strongest terms, monitor abuse and take swift, decisive action to resolve this conflict.

Mark Williams MP All-party parliamentary group, Western Sahara, Jeremy Corbyn MP Parliamentary human rights group, Dave Prentis General secretary, Unison, Natalie Sharples Western Sahara Campaign, Stefan Simanowitz Free Western Sahara Network

• If the foreign secretary does not heed the UN security council's arms embargo on Libya (Arab world and west unite to back rebels, 14 April), there's a real risk that UK tax payers' pounds could end up putting guns into the hands of children. The supply of small arms could not only provide the Libyan people with the means to defend the civilian population, as William Hague argues, but increase the easy use of arms by children and, therefore, the use of children as combatants.

The foreign secretary must be mindful not to aggravate the use of child soldiers by supplying arms; and put measures in place to prevent arms reaching the estimated 300,000 child soldiers already engaged in conflict around the world. We urge Mr Hague to signal the UK's commitment to this issue by renewing the previous (Labour) government's strategy on children affected by armed conflict.

David Thomson

Director of policy and programmes, World Vision UK

Western Sahara Echo- L'Echo du Sahara Occidental - Sada Assahra al -Gharbiya: WikiLeaks documents support Polisario’s goal of self-determination : By Dr. Suzanne Scholte

WikiLeaks documents support Polisario’s goal of self-determination : By Dr. Suzanne Scholte

At a time when tensions between the Polisario and Morocco in their fight over Western Sahara, Africa’s last colony, are at the highest point since the 1991 ceasefire, WikiLeaks documents have enhanced the cause of the Polisario by revealing that the supporters of the Polisario are the good guys in this fight.

One of the difficulties the Polisario has had to overcome is a well-financed Moroccan lobby that spends millions of dollars annually to obscure the facts in this conflict. Ten lobbying firms are currently registered to do King Mohamed VI’s bidding and spread outright lies and distortions about the Sahrawi refugee camps near Tindouf, Algeria, where 165,000 Sahrawis live, having fled when Morocco invaded Western Sahara in 1975; about the motivation of Algeria in giving them refuge; and about the nature of the Sahrawi Republic itself — a democratic, pro-Western exile government recognized by over eighty nations as the legitimate government of Western Sahara.

The Polisario, formed by the Sahrawis in 1973 as a liberation movement against their Spanish colonizers, is now dedicated to one goal: ensuring the Sahrawis get their vote on self-determination, first called for by the United Nations in 1966, promised by Spain, reaffirmed by the International Court of Justice in 1975, and promised by the United Nations in 1991 as part of the ceasefire between Morocco and the Polisario. Among the outlandish claims that the Kingdom of Morocco and those on the King’s payroll are spreading: the Polisario is holding the Sahrawi refugees against their will in these camps; the Polisario is involved in illegal activities from human trafficking to terrorism; the Polisario is restricting access to the camps; and the camps are a breeding ground for al Qaeda.

The truth is that the Polisario long for visitors to the refugee camps, and there are regular visitors from Spain as well as a constant UN presence. I have personally organized delegations of Americans to visit the camps, and this Christmas thousands of Spanish citizens will travel there to celebrate this holy Christian day with their Muslim friends.

Not only do the Polisario welcome visitors, but their embrace of Western ideals including religious freedom and women’s equality, their intolerance of extremism, and their severe punishments for traffickers and anyone associated with terrorism have caused Islamic extremists to label the Sahrawi as “too close to the West and not pious enough.”

U.S. Ambassador–at-Large for Counterterrorism Daniel Benjamin affirmed there are no links between al Qaeda and the Western Sahara in a press conference last month.

Morocco has also tried to cast suspicion on the motivations of Algeria. Algeria saved thousands of Sahrawi women and children by allowing them to enter Algeria when the Moroccan air force was dropping napalm and phosphorus on them as they were fleeing from the invading Moroccan army. Today, Algeria allows the Sahrawis to govern and oversee their refugee camps, which are located in northwest Algeria, without interference. When former Secretary of State James Baker served as UN Special Envoy on Western Sahara, he attempted to spur a settlement by offering Algeria part of Western Sahara, believing the Algerians would sell out their friends for a land route to the Atlantic. The Algerians were offended that such an offer would even be made. WikiLeaks has revealed the consistency of Algeria’s position. WikiLeaks has also revealed that Algeria’s support of the Polisario is based on principle. Algeria has no interest in stealing the Sahrawis’ land, as Morocco has done, and only wants the people of Western Sahara to have the opportunity to exercise their fundamental right to self-determination, as Algeria President Abdelaziz Bouteflika has strongly argued to U.S. officials.



Read more: http://dailycaller.com/2010/12/20/wikileaks-documents-support-polisarios-goal-of-self-determination/#ixzz18ll7oob0


Apr 17, 2011

RFK Center and Aminatou Haidar Call for an Investigation into the Clashes in the Camp Outside El Aaiun | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

RFK Center and Aminatou Haidar Call for an Investigation into the Clashes in the Camp Outside El Aaiun | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

The RFK Center for Justice & Human Rights and 2008 RFK Human Rights Award Winner, Aminatou Haidar, call for an immediate investigation into the clashes between Moroccan military forces and thousands of Saharawis living in the Gadaym Izik camps in Western Sahara and denounce the violence. Initial reports indicate that up to 11 Saharawis have been killed and hundreds are wounded or missing. The Moroccan government disputes these reports indicating that 6 individuals have been killed and dozens injured. Between 12,000 and 25,000 people were protesting economic and social conditions in Western Sahara when the violence erupted.


The absence of reliable information on the incident demonstrates again the necessity for an independent human rights monitoring mechanism within the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara, MINURSO. This human rights mandate would promote protection of human rights in the region.

The RFK Center and Ms. Haidar call for an immediate investigation by the UN Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights into the attacks, both at the camps in Gadaym Izik and within El Aaiun. The RFK Center and Ms. Haidar reiterate concern over the lack of a human rights monitoring mechanism to provide accurate information on human rights abuses in Western Sahara.



RFK Center and Aminatou Haidar Call for an Investigation into the Clashes in the Camp Outside El Aaiun | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

RFK Center and Aminatou Haidar Call for an Investigation into the Clashes in the Camp Outside El Aaiun | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

"The Last Thing to Lose are Your Dignity and Hope": Haitian Refugee Camps Model Future Society | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

"The Last Thing to Lose are Your Dignity and Hope": Haitian Refugee Camps Model Future Society | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

If one positive thing has come from the earthquake of January 12, it is the greater inclusion of Haiti in the human family. True, the catastrophe has brought out of the woodwork many scoundrels - individuals, corporations, agencies, and governments - looking to gain wealth and power off of poverty and disaster. But it has also cracked open many hearts and brought solidarity from people everywhere who view themselves as citizens of the world.

One group of women and men who already viewed themselves that way is the Movement of Dominican-Haitian Women (MUDHA by its Spanish acronym). These Dominicans of Haitian ancestry, together with allies who have joined the group, have long been engaged for rights of Haitians in the Dominican Republic by battling mistreatment of cane cutters and others. Today they are hard at work outside the town of Léogâne, close to the earthquake's epicenter. There they support three orphanages, some peasant groups, and three women-run internally displaced people's camps (including the Petite Rivière Shelter Camp described in our August 25 article, "Part of the Dream for National Reconstruction: Haitian Refugee Camps Model Future Society".)

MUDHA is helping create a dignified, education-filled, participatory, and even joyous experience for earthquake survivors. MUDHA provides staff, shelter, medical care, food, and other resources. In the camps, they conduct trainings in first aid, health care, natural disaster, environment, manufacturing of jewelry and household products for sale, and small business. They facilitate sessions where the displaced people plan priorities for their camp, and others where they articulate their dreams and goals for their and their country's future.

Their work in the community integrates singing, dancing, and a spirit of celebration. It is based on respect, emphasis on women's participation and power, and lots of affirmation of the community and its members.

One reason MUDHA's work is so effective is that the team supports local leadership, instead of leading. It also fortifies the strength and power of women.

It is our hope that the women and men of MUDHA may soon be able to leave their tents and go back home, like the displaced people they are supporting. Would that the Haitian and U.S. governments, U.N., and other international agencies be moved by the same spirit of care and compassion - not to mention respect for the right to housing guaranteed by the Haitian constitution and the U.N. Declaration of Human Rights - as MUDHA, and begin meeting the needs of the vast homeless population for permanent housing.

Marisol Baez, a 23-year member of MUDHA who has been in Haiti since the week of the earthquake, tells of the work.

We at MUDHA [the Movement of Dominican-Haitian Women] came from the Dominican Republic to work in Haiti on January 16th, four days after the earthquake. We spent a week carrying victims to the hospitals, helping rescue people under the rubble, whatever we could do. Then we went back to the Dominican Republic and put out a call on the radio that anyone willing could join the ranks to help Haiti. In about a week, we came back with 115 people and 20 vehicles. We came with doctors, orthopedists, gynecologists, all kinds of doctors so we could help Haiti, because Haiti is our country, too. We came from the womb of Haitian families. It's true that we were born in Dominican Republic, but we're part of Haiti.

The reason we chose to stay and work in Léogâne is that when our director Sonia Pierre was walking around the town, two people came up to her and told her that there was an orphanage here and the children were in bad shape. Also, we saw that all the international organizations were concentrated in Port-au-Prince; Léogâne had nothing.

The orphanage was in rubble. It collapsed in the earthquake and the children were in peril. They were hungry, they needed clothes, they were abandoned. So we stayed with them. We're working with the children to do everything that needs doing. We also have doctors who provide care to the community, and each week we bring them in to take care of the kids.

We're working with three orphanages now, including an all-girls' orphanage. We also work with some peasant councils helping them with seeds and equipment to clear off the rubble. We're also supporting the women in three camps.

These camps are mixed-gender, but they're all run by women. We think that women are the pillar of the home and society. All the load is on their shoulders: the load of the children, the load of marketing. They're hard-working. People have to take off their hats off to them. Men are always there to help, but the women are the ones with the most responsibility. I think God reserves something for the Haitian people, but especially for women. I think God will deliver Haitian women someday because of what they do.

There aren't any camps in Haiti that are all women, but there are other camps that are run by women. I think that's the reason the three camps you see here are different. We don't need male-dominated [camp management] councils. They have one or two women on them and things don't get where they are supposed to go, like food rations. Women are better at managing.

We're working with women in the camps on health, micro-enterprise, education, and a lot of other things. We do classes on protecting the environment. We do preventative health care trainings with the women and children because health care isn't only when you're sick and go to the hospital. We're giving training on women's personal hygiene. We're also bringing in doctors to treat the women, and they're especially finding a lot of cases of vaginal infections because of the [contaminated] water. We're also training on first aid and on natural disasters so that if something else happens in Haiti, people can know how to help others like the elders and the children.

We're doing courses with the women so that they can start their own small business, start bringing income into the household so they aren't dependent on men. The women are eager to learn. They want to find the means to start businesses so they can sell. They can trade, they can do everything.

We always tell the people: because you're poor, the last things to lose in your life are your dignity and hope. We tell them to be brave, because they can't let foreigners come and do everything for them. If they don't have tents yet, we tell them to do their best to find a tarp or something so they can have a shelter. We tell them they're not obliged to beg or to sell their bodies as women. They can do some marketing so they can survive.

Dignity is a beautiful thing. When you have dignity, you can talk loud and you can walk tall and no one can touch you. You don't need to let people mess with you because you're a woman. You have to be strong. You need to respect yourself first so others can respect you, because if you don't respect yourself, no one will. We always do workshops on this topic with them. I'm so happy with the women in the camp because they take their dignity very seriously.

For Mother's Day, we got 150 tents for all the families that only had makeshift housing before. So things are getting better. Not all at once, because the tents are not houses where people should be living. When it's too hot, the people almost pass out in the tents. But in any case, things are getting better.

We're using alternative strategies on security because things are getting out of hands on the question of violence against women [in other camps]. There are so many rapes in those places, including a 12-year-old girl who was raped by four men until she passed out and was hospitalized. When all the dust settles, we won't be able to imagine how many girls and women there will be with diseases and other problems. Men are putting guns to women's heads and knives to their bodies. If someone can do that, it's because they are either crazy or sick. The Haitian authorities need to start addressing this issue.

Where we work, there are men's councils who do vigilance to protect the women because these camps are made up mostly of families. Not just anyone can come in. They always ask you who you are and what you need. They keep a careful eye out. Now we're giving women whistles, so that if they're being attacked they can start blowing and everyone will know that there's violence going on so they'll come to the rescue and identify the person doing it.

I do this work as a woman because I was born and grew up in a neighborhood in the Dominican Republic where Haitians were sugarcane cutters. I'm part Haitian because my grandfather and my grandmother were Haitians. I feel like Haiti and the Dominican Republic are like an animal with two wings; it's one animal separated in two parts.

When I was growing up, I saw my grandmother frying dough to sell so she could send her children to school. My grandmother was a respected woman, a hard-working woman. So was my mother. Since I was little, I was always helping people, especially the old Haitian cane cutters who were stuck away and forgotten in little rooms.

I joined MUDHA when I was 19 because they were working with Haitian cane cutters. Now I'm 42. If you're part of MUDHA in the Dominican Republic, you have to be careful because they can easily kill you. MUDHA is always defending Haitians against bad treatment so they view us as devils.

I feel like I can help Haiti, so that's why I'm here. I have courage and I can help.

As for the future of this country... We have to keep on struggling. Awhile ago I said that the last things someone should lose are hope and dignity. The Haitian people are a strong people; they're courageous. This is what I wish for the Haitian people: to start being united, to start tearing down the walls in front of us. One thing I believe is that Haiti will be a new, beautiful country because Haitian women are strong and they'll put all their strength into working for Haiti. If we put our hands together, we can overcome any obstacle.

Many thanks to James Eliscar for translating this interview.

Beverly Bell has worked with Haitian social movements for over 30 years. She is also author of the book Walking on Fire: Haitian Women's Stories of Survival and Resistance. She coordinates Other Worlds,www.otherworldsarepossible.org, which promotes social and economic alternatives. She is also associate fellow of the Institute for Policy Studies.




RFK Center and Aminatou Haidar Call for an Investigation into the Clashes in the Camp Outside El Aaiun | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

RFK Center and Aminatou Haidar Call for an Investigation into the Clashes in the Camp Outside El Aaiun | Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights

STATEMENT OF AMINATOU HAIDAR TO THE UN SPECIAL POLITICAL AND DECOLONIZATION COMMITTEE (FOURTH COMMITTEE)

Mr. Chairman, distinguished delegates:

My name is Mary Beth Gallagher. I am here on behalf of the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights (RFK Center), to read a statement from Ms. Aminatou Haidar, a long-time leader in the struggle for the protection of the human rights of the Sahrawi people of Western Sahara. In 2008, Ms. Haidar received the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award for her extraordinary courage and heroic leadership for human rights. Since that time, the RFK Center has worked in partnership with her. For over forty years, the RFK Center has worked for a more peaceful and just world by supporting the work of 41 human rights defenders, such as Ms. Haidar, in 24 countries.

We thank you for the opportunity to appear before this Committee today to read a statement from Ms. Haidar.

[Statement by Aminatou Haidar]

Dear Mr. Chairman:

I am honored to address your distinguished committee today on the human rights situation in Western Sahara. I speak here on behalf of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA), and all the Sahrawi people living under Moroccan control in the territories of Western Sahara. We seize this opportunity to highlight the assault on the dignity of the Sahrawi people by Morocco, which has systematically violated the human rights of the Sahrawis, who continue to call for the right to self-determination and freedom of expression.

Moroccan human rights abuses date back to 1975, when Morocco, in flagrant violation of international law, occupied three quarters of the territory of Western Sahara. The human rights abuses range from killings and torture to the denial of freedom of association and expression. Unfortunately, relevant United Nations bodies fail to make policy changes to address the situation.

Abuse against individuals speaking out for self-determination is a long-standing problem. Personally, I represent Sahrawi women, victims of the violations perpetrated by the Moroccan authorities. I have been a victim of Moroccan repression numerous times. Most recently, on November 13, 2009, I was detained at the airport in Western Sahara. I was returning from a month-long visit to several countries, including the United States, where I received the Civil Courage Prize, awarded annually “for steadfast resistance to evil at great personal risk.” Several high-level police officials questioned me about my travel and asked why I had listed “Western Sahara” as my home on my entry documents rather than “Moroccan Sahara.”

The next day, the Moroccan authorities confiscated my passport and expelled me from my home country, away from my two young children, Hayat and Mohamed. Only after a difficult month-long hunger strike in Lanzarote, Canary Islands and strong international pressure, including from some countries in the Security Council, was I able to return to my homeland again.

The violations in Western Sahara are ongoing and continue to worsen. Under the pretext of criminal investigations, Moroccan authorities detain Sahrawis and impose harsh sentences because of their support of self-determination. There are more than forty Sahrawi prisoners of conscience languishing in inhumane conditions in the Black Prison in El Aaiun and other prisons throughout Morocco.

For example, CODESA vice-president, Ali Salem Tamek was among a group of seven Sahrawi defenders who visited the refugee camps in early October 2009. Upon their return, they were detained in the Casablanca airport and are still awaiting trial by a Military Court, facing death penalty charges. About seventy Sahrawi defenders and civil society activists have visited the refugee camps afterwards. The Moroccan authorities have not arrested them, but they pushed both Moroccan secret police agents and Moroccan citizens to assault them at El Aaiun airport and the other Saharan cities entrances.

Sahrawis called for their right to self-determination and advocated for independence by holding demonstrations in different cities throughout Western Sahara. The Sahrawi defenders faced brutal beatings, insult and humiliation from hundreds of plainclothes Moroccan police and some Moroccan citizens, especially in El Aaiun. Moroccan police and auxiliary forces responded with violence and brutality, arbitrarily arresting several protesters and placing some in Moroccan prisons. For example, Rabiaa Elfeqrawi, a woman in her forties is still in the hospital, now partially paralyzed after being violently beaten by the police for her participation in a pro-independence demonstration in El Aaiun.

On April 6, 2010, the Sahrawi human rights defender and vice-president of the Association Sahraouie des Victimes des violations graves des Droits de l’Homme (ASVDH), Elghalia Djimi, was assaulted and Moroccan militias smashed her car windshield with batons and stones near the El Aaiun airport.

On September 6, 2010, the phosphate Trade Union in El Aaiun organized a sit-in to protest the illegal exploitation of Sahrawi natural resources by the Moroccan authorities, denouncing the violation of Sahrawi people’s civil, economic and social rights. The Sahrawi laborers were violently attacked and some of them were injured.

Not only the Sahrawis suffer Moroccan repression, but also foreign observers and human rights defenders who come to monitor the human rights situation in the Moroccan-controlled part of Western Sahara. On August 28, 2010, fourteen Spanish human rights defenders were harassed after a demonstration in El Aaiun against human rights abuses in Western Sahara. In addition, a Spanish journalist and a Mexican activist were mistreated by the Moroccan police while supporting Sahrawi demonstrators in the Maatalla district in El Aaiun.

Recently, on September 29, 2010, the Spanish actor Willy Toledo along with the delegate from the Spanish State Federation of Institutions in Solidarity with the Sahara (FEDISSAH), Carmelo Ramirez, and other international observers, were attacked by Moroccan police in El Aaiun during the arrival from Algeria of a group of Sahrawi defenders. Some of the observers and Sahrawi defenders were injured by the police beatings.

As Sahrawi human rights defenders, our aim is to spread the culture of respect and protection of human rights in Western Sahara, to educate Sahrawi youth to opt for coexistence, tolerance and non-violence. We struggle to create a Sahrawi civil society that favors democracy and peace. However, the Moroccan state does not allow us to work or organize. There are no authorized Sahrawi human rights organizations in Western Sahara because they are not permitted to register. As I speak here today, my organization CODESA, despite having taken all the requisite steps, is not officially registered and has not been granted authority by Moroccan officials to organize its members. This denial of the right to register puts a strain on our activities as human rights defenders.

Mr. Chairman, all of these human rights abuses stem from one issue: the expression of the right to self-determination for the people of Western Sahara. This was also the conclusion of the unpublished Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) report, after the visit to Western Sahara in November 2006.

It is therefore even more imperative for the United Nations to take an active role in ending the decades-long colonization of Western Sahara by the Kingdom of Morocco.

In the interim, the human rights situation in Western Sahara requires urgent attention. We call upon the United Nations to expand the mandate of the United Nations Mission for the Referendum in Western Sahara (MINURSO) to include the protection of human rights. While CODESA greatly appreciates the leading role of the United Nations in solving armed conflicts all over the world, the exclusion of a human rights component from MINURSO’s mandate is another form of injustice that the Western Saharan people endure.

CODESA also calls for a new fact-finding mission to Western Sahara to investigate the recent violations of human rights committed by the Moroccan authorities in the Western Sahara.

Mr. Chairman, what I have highlighted represents only some of the human rights violations taking place in Western Sahara, to inform you of the suffering endured by our people under Moroccan control.

On a final note, I ask that you accept my greatest esteem and I hope that you remain in the service of peace and freedom for all nations and people of the world.

Thank you.

Aminatou Haidar
The Chairwoman of the Collective of Sahrawi Human Rights Defenders (CODESA)
2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Laureate
El Aaiun, Western Sahara
October 4, 2010.

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Ms. Aminatou Haidar is the 2008 Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award Laureate. She was recognized for her courageous work in support of the self-determination of Western Sahara from its occupation by Morocco and against enforced disappearances and abuses of prisoners of conscience. For over forty years, the Robert F. Kennedy Center for Justice & Human Rights has worked for a more peaceful and just world. The Human Rights Award was established in 1984 to honor courageous and innovative human rights defenders throughout the world. Upon awarding a Laureate, the RFK Center begins a partnership with the Laureate providing technical, advocacy and legal support to achieve their social change goals. Ms. Haidar was presented with the Robert F. Kennedy Human Rights Award at a ceremony on November 13, 2008.


For more information, please contact:
Mary Beth Gallagher
202-463-7575 ext. 244; Gallagher@rfkcenter.org